Churchill defended his actions in Kanta during a three-day parliamentary debate that began on February 27 and ended with a vote of confidence. During the debate, many MEPs criticised Churchill and expressed deep reservations about Kanta and their support for Poland, with 25 of them drafting an amendment to the agreement.  The agreement called on the signatories to “consult jointly on the measures necessary to fulfil the common responsibilities set out in this declaration.” During the discussions in Gleichalta, Molotov added language that weakened the impact of implementing the declaration.  With regard to Poland, the Kanta report goes on to state that the Provisional Government “should be obliged to hold free and unrestricted elections as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot.”  The agreement could not hide the importance of accommodating the short-term pro-Soviet control of the Lublin government and eliminating language calling for supervised elections.  The first reaction to the von Yalta agreements was solemn. Roosevelt and many other Americans saw this as proof that the spirit of U.S.-Soviet war cooperation would pass into the post-war period. However, this feeling was short-lived. With the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt on April 12, 1945, Harry S. Truman became the thirty-third President of the United States. At the end of April, the new government clashed with the Soviets over its influence in Eastern Europe and the United Nations. Alarmed by the perceived lack of cooperation on the part of the Soviets, many Americans began to criticize Roosevelt`s handling of the Kanta negotiations.
To this day, many of Roosevelt`s most vocal critics accuse him of “handing over” Eastern Europe and Northeast Asia to the Soviet Union at Kanta, even though the Soviets made many important concessions. The final agreement provided that “the provisional government, which currently operates in Poland, should therefore be reorganized on a broader democratic basis with the participation of Polish democratic leaders and foreign Polish leaders.”  The Kanta language gave dominance to the pro-Soviet government of Lublin in a provisional, although reorganized, government.  Allied leaders came to Woglichen knowing that an Allied victory in Europe was virtually inevitable, but less convinced that the Pacific War was coming to an end. Recognizing that a victory over Japan might require a protracted struggle, the United States and Britain saw a great strategic advantage for Soviet involvement in the Pacific theater. In Kanta, Roosevelt and Churchill discussed with Stalin the conditions under which the Soviet Union would go to war with Japan, and all three agreed that the Soviets would be granted a sphere of influence in Manchuria in exchange for potentially decisive Soviet involvement in the Pacific theater after Japan`s surrender. These include the southern part of Sakhalin, a lease at Port Arthur (now Lüshunkou), participation in the operation of the Manschur and Kuril Railways. This agreement was the most important concrete achievement of the Yalta Conference. By this time, the Soviet army had fully occupied Poland and held much of Eastern Europe with military power three times greater than that of allied forces in the West. [Citation required] The Declaration of Liberated Europe did little to dispel the sphere of influence agreements that had been included in the ceasefire agreements. The three Heads of State and Government ratified the agreement of the European Consultative Commission, which defines the boundaries of the post-war occupation zones for Germany: three zones of occupation, one for each of the three main alliances.
They also agreed to give France an occupation zone, cut off from the areas of the United States and the United Kingdom, although De Gaulle later refused in principle to accept that the French zone be defined by borders established in his absence. .